Finally, on January 11th the national community was found. We had not seen that since the Liberation. Across the political spectrum; welcome all religions. Around the values founding the Republic: freedom, equality, fraternity, secularism also. Against terrorism and against barbarism. No slogan excluding; not the slightest burr; we were well taken care of before denouncing possible amalgam between Islam and Islamism, between Islam and terrorism. Wisely, the city fathers of FN enjoined their members to limit themselves to gatherings organized by them, to avoid any possible problem, not to be accused of breaking the recovered unit. Admittedly, exceptions, suburban youth were missing; one could understand that it was difficult to accept the name of Charlie; however, they were not persona non grata. January 11: a great moment that made good. And Todd came. Four months later, he wondered, using its right of insolence: but who is really Charlie? Breaking the harmony; bringing down what had been glorified; reading stigma in the unity statement "mass mobilization, far from being 'admirable', revealed a lack of composure and, frankly, dignity in the test" (p. 15) . Sure, you feel the stunt, the unconformity narcissistic appeal against the concert of consciences, probably also well anticipated commercial interest. But anyway, it must be her speech elements analysis. Todd then resumes that for thirty years he invariably used to decrypt the political, economic change, religious crises, tectonics cultures ...: its conceptual categories of "France Catholic / secular France" and almost double 'equality versus inequality in family structures. " French territories are divided into one or the other of these two tropisms: the Catholic West, the Catholic Alsace, a large secular and egalitarian band of Aquitaine to the Ardennes, etc. Genuine Swiss Army Knife, its analytical tool applies to all. Christians have been de-Christianized, no problem: still a "zombie Catholicism" such DNA exercising its inevitable share (p. 55). Interregional migration brew populations to the point of upsetting cultural and religious specificities (pp. 143) that's no problem, "memory of places" communicates through a very mysterious alchemy, population traits originally the latest. That regions that voted right now vote on the left, for example the West: no matter, anyway the left ended up thinking like the right. With its large shoehorn, Todd strength restive reality to return to its explanatory machine two boxes. He comes out a particular idea-force that will be the spine of the story and used to methodically demolish Charlie: won in France, dominating a "neo-republicanism structured by the zombie Catholicism" (p. 105). It is he who "ultimately led France into an ideological adventure multifaceted, including the rise of a new kind of socialism, decentralization, a pro-European revival, a masochistic monetary policy, a denaturation the Republic and (...) a particularly insidious form of Islamophobia and anti-Semitism probably "(p. 55-56). Socialist, pro-European, anti-Semitic and Islamophobic: Jove, delirium is accurate ... Then of course, in these conditions, Charlie is not the one we think. Cards in support machine and explain shoulder, Todd will seek to show us who he really is. Basically, it is the "MAZ (Classes averages, Older people, Catholics Zombies)" (p. 90). He said he was open and tolerant, freedom-loving, Todd reveals the Islamophobic. You think I exaggerate? Some examples to illustrate: "being French was, not the right but the duty to blaspheme" (p. 13); "The demonization of Islam meets the intrinsic need a totally de-Christianized society. We can, without this hypothesis, understanding the mobilization of millions of lay Catholic zombie marching behind their President to defend the absolute right to caricature Muhammad, religious figure respected by more than 5% of the inhabitants of the land among the weakest and most fragile "(p. 66); "Millions of French rushed into the streets to set as priority need of their company the right to spit on the religion of the weak" (p. 87); "We must (...) accept to see the heart of Charlie, which is defined in relation to Islam, the descendants of anthropological forces that frankly were not kind to the Jews" (p.107); "The truth is that Charlie was able (...) to endanger French Jews abusing the French Muslims" (220 p.); "The great neo-republican protest on 11 January was marked with the seal of hysteria" (p. 227), also said the author who knows about the matter ... The anthology could easily be extended ... For my part, I am astonished face of positive feedback, even laudatory essay attributed to Todd. "Lucidity" said Mediapart; "Convincing demonstration" adds L'Observateur. Yet muddy explanations, analysis and conceptual shortcuts approximations are legion. Why talk of "republicanism", even in its form "neo" to designate the Europeanist neoliberal system that spreads for thirty years? What sense does it have to involve necessarily related categories like "Europeanism and Islamophobia" (p. 233)? (We can blame a lot to the Europeanist particular indifference to the fate of the popular classes face of globalization, but its Islamophobia reports a pure fantasy toddien). What is the relevance to consider the development of Islamism without taking into account the international context? And make Muslim anti-Semitism the only consequence of Islamophobia? Etc. Between fallacies and fantasies assumed, Todd continues its merry way, not repugnant to verbal excesses, also flirting with Christianophobia and laïcophobie. Here he attacks the Prime Minister, denouncing its reference to differentialist category of "apartheid" system that absolutely rejects the other yet. Pinaud, Todd sees in this job a resurgence of Catalan origin of Valls, "Mecca of Iberian differentialism" (p. 171). He may have gone too far; he continues: "you can never lock up a prisoner in an anthropological determination." He does it in 250 pages but with a prime minister, it should remain cautious. A final foot mischievous nose "Still finding Catalonia in the genealogy of the use of` Apartheid word in France is frankly amusing "(p. 171). Personally I do not find.
